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“It’s clear that you’re not working with somebody who is willing to do the prep and the work,” one former staffer said. Staffers who worked for Harris before she was vice president said one consistent problem was that Harris would refuse to wade into briefing materials prepared by staff members, then berate employees when she appeared unprepared.
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But if she were a man with her management style, she would have a TV show called ‘The Apprentice.’ ” And does that make people uncomfortable sometimes? Yes. “I’ve never had an experience in my long history with Kamala, where I felt like she was unfair. “People personalize these things,” continued. It’s hard to tell what’s worse for Vice President Kamala Harris in this Washington Post story-the comments from anonymous former staffers trashing her management style or the on-the-record comment defending her management style by likening Harris to Donald Trump: Vice President Kamala Harris waves at panelists during a virtual townhall event to address different care policies in the Build Back Better Agenda at the White House in Washington, D.C., October 14, 2021. While Stern singles out Breyer, it is worth noting that Justices Sotomayor and Kagan both freely chose to echo Breyer’s argument. In his dissent from the bench, Chief Justice William Rehnquist asserted that “once the court starts looking to the currents of public opinion regarding a particular judgment, it enters a truly bottomless pit from which there is simply no extracting itself.” Justice Antonin Scalia dismissed the rationale as “almost czarist arrogance,” providing a mocking summary: “We have no Cossacks, but at least we can stubbornly refuse to abandon an erroneous opinion that we might otherwise change-to show how little” anti-abortion activists “intimidate us.” Noting “political pressure” to reverse Roe, the court declared: “To overrule under fire in the absence of the most compelling reason to reexamine a watershed decision would subvert the Court’s legitimacy beyond any serious question.” In other words, if the court overturned Roe in the face of so much pressure, the public would perceive it as weak, waffling, and wedded to popular opinion-in a word, illegitimate.Ĭonservatives despised this conception of stare decisis. But a more contentious justification involved an overt consideration of public opinion.
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The Casey troika provided several reasons for this turnabout, including a generation’s reliance on the promise of abortion access. “He read aloud several of the most vexed and disputed sentences of modern constitutional law as though they were widely embraced as the gospel truth.” “ zeroed in on the worst possible argument for preserving the constitutional right to abortion in light of the conservatives’ approach to precedent,” Stern writes. Over at Slate, liberal writer Mark Joseph Stern is unsparing in his criticism of Justice Breyer’s argument: “ During Arguments Over Roe’s Fate, Justice Breyer Played Right Into the Conservatives’ Hands. In the Dobbs case, it is obviously true that the side applying the most political pressure is the side threatening to pack the Supreme Court if Roe is not upheld.
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It’s a foolish argument because in any contentious case challenging a precedent there is political pressure to overturn the precedent and there is political pressure to uphold the precedent. The gist of the Breyer/ Casey argument is that it’s very important to not overturn a precedent if there is political pressure to do so. I wrote the other day about how surprising it was to see Justice Breyer lead off his questioning at the Dobbs oral argument by regurgitating some lines from the Souter-Kennedy-O’Connor opinion in Casey. Associate Justice Stephen Breyer, Ap(Erin Schaff/Reuters)